Malinoski, Peter; Martin, Daniel F.; Aronoff, Jodi; Lynn, Steven Jay; Gedeon, Scott (1995, November). Hypnotizability, individual differences, and interpersonal pressure to report early childhood memories. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, San Antonio, TX.
NOTES
Infantile amnesia is attributed to developmental issues before 24 months. This study indicates non-hypnotic influences can shape early memories that cross the amnesia barrier.
227 Ss completed Harvard Scale and personality measures in Session 1. In Session 2 182 completed a suggestibility scale. In Session 3 they were selected, as if independent of earlier sessions – 143 [may have misheard number] Ss.
Interviewers told the selected Ss that they were experiencing something like psychotherapy, and they were asked to recall their earliest memory (independent of photos, what people had told them, etc.) Then Experimenters probed for earlier memories; that continued until Ss denied any more memories after 2 consecutive probes. Then Ss were asked to close their eyes and get in touch with more memories. Then they were told most Ss can remember more, including sometimes their second birthday party. After 1 minute, Ss were asked about memories of their second birthday. Then they were asked to focus on even earlier memories, implying it was expected and receiving complements for reporting earlier memories. Finally, Ss completed a post-study questionnaire.
Memory report was a verbal description of an event, person, or object. Initial memory mean age was 3.7; it correlated with Openness to Experience Scale and with Fantasy Proneness. Mean age of the last earliest memory report before the close eyes instruction was 3.2 years. After receiving visualization instructions, 59% reported a memory of their second birthday. Compliance correlated .33 with this. Subjective response, nonvoluntariness, and [missed words] also correlated.
Compliance scores correlated .28 with at least one memory at or before age 24 months. Yielding to leading questions correlated also with memory for an event at or before 24 months.
Clarity of memories decreased between conditions of initial memory, earliest query, birthday, and earliest memory. Mean confidence rating on 5 point scale for second birthday memory was 3.3; mean confidence rating for earliest memory was 3.6. Mean accuracy rating was 4.0, and 94% said their memory reports were accurate to at least a moderate degree.
The post study questionnaire, totally anonymous, indicated Ss did not feel much pressure to recall (2.9 on scale of 1-5). Only 9.8% indicated they felt a lot of pressure. Subjects also usually denied that they made up memories to satisfy the experimenter. On average, the reports of memory under visualization conditions occurred two years earlier than their first reported memories.
1994
Csoli, Karen; Ramsay, Jason T.; Spanos, Nicholas P. (1994, August). Psychological correlates of the out-of-body experiences–a reexamination. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles.
NOTES
12% of population reports an out-of-body experience (OBE) sometime in their lives. They leave their body and can see self from the outside. Awareness is confined to the new point of view, not fragmented; there is unimpaired intellectual ability; feelings of detachment, completeness, well being, and profound relaxation. Can occur under stress or deep relaxation; not while driving a car.
Psychological correlates aren’t known. Studies are inconclusive with respect to belief systems (religious, death anxiety, etc.); measures of absorption, hypnosis, imaginative ability, imagery controls. Recent Carlton study with 87 Ss (33 had OBE) got results we didn’t expect. They completed questionnaires, were tested for hypnotizability, had an interview re OBE experience.
This study found the OBE-experiencing people had higher levels of anxiety, psychosomatic symptoms, and panic attacks. They were also higher on magical thinking, perceptual aberration, and Schizophrenia scores. They didn’t differ on mysticism, levels of drug or alcohol use, or level of self esteem.
Lynn, Steven Jay; Pezzo, Mark (1994, August). Close encounters with aliens? Simulated accounts following a hypnotic interview. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles.
NOTES
A survey of 5900 adults regarding unusual experiences concluded that 1 of 50 Americans may have had UFO experiences.
This study resembles that of Lawson (1977), in which Ss were asked to imagine UFO experiences; their descriptions were difficult to distinguish from real reports. One problem with Lawson’s research is that he provided the Ss with information (e.g. to imagine they were abducted by aliens).
Our study differs from Lawson’s in that we didn’t actually hypnotize subjects. Our Ss’ task was to ‘simulate hypnosis, in recovered memory research.’ We manipulated cues provided to the Ss.
Ss were told their purpose was to role play an excellent hypnotic subject. Standard simulation instructions were given. Then they were told that hypnosis frequently is used to recover experiences that the Ss cannot remember.
Ss were given a description of a Scene: driving on a road in the country, no traffic, etc. They were told that they couldn’t remember 2 hours of what happened. Then a second Experimenter used a pseudo hypnotic induction, and told them they were going to recall material regarding events that had happened.
Ss completed an Omni Magazine questionnaire developed by Hopkins, who is an advocate of UFO sitings. They received the questionnaire either after the experiment, before the experiment, or with specific cues.
4 of 21 (19%) of the minimal cue condition Ss identified lights in the sky as a UFO; at the end, 52% saw a UFO. Thus, even with minimal information, subjects report interactive behavior. Almost all medium cue Ss reported the UFO. 17% felt a loss of control, being floated or transported to the spaceship. Only one S said the aliens were cruel. Only one of the role players picked up the word “trondant,” a word used by Hopkins to pick up simulators who are hypnotized.
Our findings present a conservative picture. When Ss thought they would be thrown out of the experiment if detected as simulators, they avoided talking about bizarre events. 15% who were told to role play a close encounter failed to do so!
Our findings do not imply that persons who report contacts are simulating; but the basis for such reports are widely available to college students.
Malinoski, Peter; Aronoff, Jodi; Lynn, Steven J.; Moretsky, Michael (1994, August). Hypnosis and early memories. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles.
NOTES
We studied autobiographical memory in the college population, as manifested in the therapy situation, as a way of investigating an individual difference variable. Most people do not have recall before age 3 or 4 (and probably infantile amnesia begins before age 2).
Administered Autobiographical Memory Scale (AMS), and later in context of a hypnosis scale. 247 students were in phase 1, conducted as two separate experiments so that Ss wouldn’t link the AMS to measures used in the second study.
First study was presented as a study of personal memories. Asked Ss to distinguish first five birthdays, circumstances around loss of first tooth, first day of high school. Also, they were asked about their earliest memory events, rated according to 3 scales (detail, vividness, accuracy of recall). Authors summed Ss’ responses on these 3 ratings for the 8 item scale.
Part II. Administered various scales: Life Experiences, Fantasy Proneness, Wilson & Barber’s scale, Imagery Control Scale, Global Psychopathology, 25 item scale of physical and sexual abuse, Brier’s list of symptoms of abuse, and DES (Dissociative Experiences Scale). Imbedded were 12 items to test carelessness in responding (e.g. “I have never said Hello to anyone who wore eyeglasses.”)
RESULTS. Phase 1. Two people indicated they had memories dating to before their first birthday; an additional 5% of Ss gave memories between 12-24 months. This would probably be impossible. Another 14.4% described events between 24-36 months; 37.4% said their earliest memory was at age 3. Mean age for earliest memory was 3.4 years (which agrees with other surveys.) Only l subject stated his earliest memory was as late as the tenth year of life.
High intercorrelation was obtained, ranging .79 to .89, between ratings on any of the memory event ratings (as detailed, vivid, or accurate). There was a negative correlation of these ratings with age of recall. Ss who report more detail, vividness, and competence, were also likely to report earlier first memories.
Authors divided Ss into three groups based on age of first memory: 12 with first memory earlier than first year; those whose first memory was between 1-7 years; and those with a later first memory. The earlier memory group were more fantasy prone; and rated their memories as more reliable, vivid. This suggests there are persons who report memories that are covered by infantile amnesia, report them with greater detail, and are more fantasy prone than those who report memory events beginning later in life. This is consistent with Wilson & Barber’s finding that fantasy prone people have vivid recall of early childhood events.
None of the memory reports correlated with psychopathology or dissociation. Dissociation (DES) was correlated with abuse indicators, however. Compared top and lowest 10% and middle range on DES on their memory scores and found no relationship. There was no support for the idea that report of early life events in dissociative people is compromised. Failure to recall early memories shouldn’t suggest that people are dissociative (which some therapists tend to do).
All three memory measures were associated with Harvard Scale scores. The AMS was administered at the same time as the Harvard. Objective responding on the Harvard correlated with detail, vividness, and accuracy of recall. Also, involuntariness of response correlated with all 3 measures of the AMS. Finally, subjective involvement correlated with all three measures of AMS. At least when hypnosis is measured first, and explicit connection is suggested, there is a connection. Further research is needed to see if the relationship holds when measured in independent contexts. This may explain why High Hypnotizables are more prone to pseudo memories and leading questions. They may come to confuse them with historical reality.
The results suggest caution for early memory reports. They may be vulnerable to confusing fantasy and reality, as well as to biasing effects.
Newman, Leonard S.; Baumeister, Roy F. (1994, August). Who would wish for the trauma? Explaining UFO abductions. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles.
NOTES
UFO abduction reports are more frequent than ever before. 1979 200 1984 500 1988 5000 letters [to a magazine?] 1993 55,000 letters, with 200/wk still being sent Hopkins, Jacobs, & Westrum (1992) took a poll: 3.7 million abductees in U.S. were estimated.
These, I maintain, are motivated in attempt to accept the self; the phenomenon relates to masochism on a psychological level. I think we need a more psychological explanation than other arguments being presented. The other arguments being made are: 1. People are actually being abducted. 2. Abductees are publicity seeking liars. 3. These people cannot distinguish between fantasy and reality (but there is no evidence for that).
The two key questions we should attempt to answer are: 1. Why would people claim to remember things that did not actually happen to them? Most of these reports emerge under hypnosis. They may be creating memories rather than retrieving memories. 2. Why would people claim to remember _this_ in _particular_?
Maybe abductees are people with knowledge about reports of UFO experiences, with therapists who believe in paranormal experiences? Probably this is not the explanation.
In the ’50’s there were reports of space aliens who abducted people, taught them about peace, love, etc. and the need for intergalactic harmony. But stories today are very different.
They want to escape the self because the self is “me.” They may have done something that makes them feel stupid, unlovable; or it is just because of constantly having to maintain a positive self image. This kind of anxiety pertains to people who have an over-inflated presentation of the self. If you can avoid thinking about the implications of your behavior (e.g. through drinking, vigorous exercise, or masochism) you don’t have the anxiety.
Masochism is a bizarre way to obtain pleasure, but it underlines both of these things. It cancels out meaningful aspects of the self (thought, self reflection); and needs of control are denied (bondage); it negates esteem and dignity. People higher paid, in more responsible jobs, are more likely to engage in masochistic activity.
The main features of masochism also apply to abduction stories: 1. Pain 2. Loss of control 3. Humiliation 4. Demographics (abductees seem to come from higher socio-economic classes) 5. International pattern – mostly an American & British phenomenon 6. Concern with “selfhood” 7. Sexual differences. (There are male and female masochists, but the contents are different: females more often talked about humiliation involving display than men did. Abduction cases are the same: alien examination episode (display) are in 50% of male stories but 80% of female stories.)
1993
Elter-Nodvin, Sabette; Lynch, Gregory; Nash, Michael R. (1993, October). Is primary process mentation a feature of hypnotic responding?. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Arlington Heights, IL.
NOTES
It is difficult to measure primary process; usually measures from Rorschach are used. Recently Steven Lynn and Ken Bowers have done interesting work.
From literary criticism, we took the newer method of lexical pattern analysis–like a fingerprint (e.g. of Shakespeare’s language). Wanted to determine whether there are differences between High and Low hypnotizables; or a difference in waking and hypnotic state. Martindale has a measure based on a lexical dictionary.
In Martindale’s method, you take a long verbal sample, transcribe it into computer text file (response to TAT cards, and 3 tasks like–“Imagine you are ascending a spiral staircase and see someone at the top; describe what you see”); then do word count.
Rhue, Judith W.; Lynn, Steven Jay (1993, October). Dissociation, childhood sexual abuse, and fantasy. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Arlington Heights, IL.
NOTES
We are reporting on part of an ongoing study, with results still being analyzed. We are looking at imagination, fantasy, and dissociation in abused and non-abused children. This focuses on the relationship between dissociation and fantasy and imagination.
For Janet, dissociation was the primary defense against trauma. [Quotes D. Spiegel also.] There is a body of research on trauma associated with the development of dissociation. 1. NIH found 97% of multiple personality patients reported trauma in childhood; 83% were sexually abused; 75% were repeatedly physically abused; 68% had both types of abuse. 2. Bliss – studied 70 MPDs and found same results. 3. Ross, Norton, and Noosney [?name] – found same results 4. Coombs & Milstein – same
The incidence of retrospective reports of abuse is much lower in other types of patients.
So, what is going on during child abuse? We wanted to look at children experiencing or who recently experienced abuse. Also looked at a children’s scale of dissociation symptoms and validated other studies.
We studied 39 children referred to Ohio University College of Osteopathic Medicine; 12 had primary problem as sexual abuse (8 of whom were female). Non-abused Ss were either behavioral or adjustment disorders. 8 reported severe physical abuse. Parents concurred in presence of abuse. Physical abuse consisted of broken bones, burns, etc. Average age 9-10.
Ss were given the Beck Depression Scale, Children’s Fantasy Inventory, Meyers’ Children’s Creative Imagination Scale, Children’s Perception Alteration Scale, Figure Drawings, WISC-R, and 2-3 other measures. Research assistants administering the scales didn’t know the children’s diagnoses.
We found no support for the hypothesis that sexual abuse in childhood is associated with imagination, fantasy, or dissociative tendencies–not surprising considering that only 4 Ss were abused by their father or stepfather, 2/3 of Ss had fondling as the most severe abuse they had experienced; only 2 had intercourse; 2/3 were abused only 1-3 times. Sexual abuse that is not violent, severe, prolonged, or perpetrated by a parent may not lead to the same problems.
In a sample of women whose assaults were rape, only 25% reported it as rape.
On other hand, physical punishment was more reliably associated with dissociation (.47), imagination and fantasy in absorption scale (.41-.51 with question about using imagination to block awareness of punishment). Physical punishment was associated with increased dissociation.
Sample size is small and the trend is in the predicted direction, so later results may be significant.
Conclusion: measures of fantasy, dissociation, and imagination were correlated. Children’s Perception Alteration Scale and the measures of fantasy and imagination were validated. Diverse measures of fantasy were highly correlated with one another.
We need a non-abused sample to add to this research.
The clinical sample had a higher dissociation score than Evers, Sanders, and Shostick’s cutting score. We use 60 as a cutting score (for an abused sample) while they used 55.
COMMENTS FROM THE AUDIENCE:
Jack Watkins: the sexual abuse for the most part was not painful. Answer by Rhue: The group of sexual abuse cases includes very wide varieties of experiences; we need to examine that in our research. Also, trauma and the perception of trauma is an individual matter.
Etzel Cardena: We presented a paper at APA in which sexual abuse was a predictor of psychogenic seizures, and most important, the duration of the abuse.
Phyllis Alden: In a recent study in Germany, it was length of time for the abuse that predicted [dissociative symptoms?].
1992
Barrett, Deidre (1992). Fantasizers and dissociaters: Data on two distinct subgroups of deep trance subjects. Psychological Reports, 71, 1011-1014.
The study delineated two subgroups of highly hypnotizable subjects. The first subgroup (fantasizers) entered trance rapidly, scored high on absorption (mean of 34 on the 37-item Absorption Scale), and described hypnosis as much like their rich, vivid, and very realistic waking fantasy life. None of the fantasizers experienced unsuggested amnesia, and 5/19 failed to produce suggested amnesia. Only 2/19 fantasizers described hypnosis as very different from their other experiences. The earliest memories of fantasizers were all identified as occurring before age 3, and before age 2 for 11 of 19. The second subgroup (dissociaters) took time to achieve a deep trance (unlike Wilson and Barber’s fantasy-prone subjects, but they did achieve as deep a trance as fantasizers), experienced hypnosis as different from any prior experiences, and were more likely to exhibit amnesia for both hypnotic experience and waking fantasies. None of the dissociaters described their waking imagery as entirely realistic, and the earliest memories in this group were all over the age of 3 (mean age – 5). Of the 15 dissociaters, 7 scored below the norm on the Absorption Scale (Mean – 26).
Bowers, Kenneth S. (1992). Imagination and dissociation in hypnotic responding. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 40 (4), 253-275.
A neodissociative model of mind is better equipped than a social-psychological model to deal with the complexities of hypnosis, and of human behavior generally. It recognizes, as Coe’s (1992) model does not, that behavior can be more automatically activated than strategically enacted. In particular, Coe’s emphasis on human behavior as purposeful and goal directed does not distinguish between goal-directed behavior that serves a purpose, and goal-directed behavior that is performed on purpose. It is this distinction that permits goal-directed behavior to be dissociated from a person’s conscious plans and intentions. In addition to offering a critique of Coe’s “limited process” view of hypnosis, 4 main points are made in the interest of developing a slightly modified, neodissociation view of hypnosis. First, it is argued that goal-directed fantasies are more limited in their ability to mediate hypnotic responding than is commonly appreciated; as well, they do not seem to account for the nonvolitional quality of hypnotic responding. Second, it is argued that hypnotic ability is not unidimensional, with compliance and social influence more apt to account for the low than for the high hypnotizable’s responsiveness to suggestion. Third, compared to low hypnotizables, the hypnotic responsiveness of high hypnotizables seems more likely to result from dissociated control. In other words, for high hypnotizables, hypnotic suggestions may often directly activate subsystems of cognitive control. Consequently, the need for executive initiative and effort to produce hypnotically suggested behavior is minimized, and such responses are therefore experienced as nonvolitional. Fourth and finally, while goal-directed fantasies typically accompany hypnotically suggested responses, they are in many cases more a marker of dissociated control than a mediator of suggested effects.
Kunzendorf, Robert; Carrabino, Carlene; Capone, Daniel (1992-93). ‘Safe’ fantasy: The self-conscious boundary between wishing and willing. Imagination, Cognition and Personality, 12, 177-188.
This experiment tested the hypothesis that a fantasy will impel people to ‘act out’ only if they fail to distinguish the fantasy from the anticipated reality. In the experiment, one task obtained a baseline measure of how long subjects could resist eating popcorn, then measured how long subjects could resist popcorn while fantasizing its taste. Another task instructed subjects to merge three circular images with three circular percepts of equal vividness, then presented subjects unexpectedly with only two of the three circular percepts. Some subjects thought that there were three circular percepts during the merger, and for these subjects, the length of resistance to popcorn was significantly shorter during the popcorn fantasy. But for subjects who self-consciously differentiated the two real circles from the three merging images, the normal ‘boundary’ between wishful fantasy and willful eating was intact. NOTES 1:
NOTES
This research investigated whether people can fantasize without acting out. The authors place the study in the context of theories proposed by Freud and William James. Kunzendorf’s source monitoring theory of self-consciousness suggests that “self- consciousness _that one is imaging_ is the phenomenal consequence of neurally monitoring the central source of one’s imaged sensations, and self-consciousness _that one is perceiving_ is the subjective quality of neurally monitoring the peripheral source of one’s perceived sensations” (p. 178).
The ability to carry out source monitoring varies. Those who have difficulty monitoring whether they are imaging or perceiving may also have trouble distinguishing wishful fantasy from anticipatory imagery, and therefore they might act on it.
This research “identified subjects with poor source monitoring–nondiscerners of reality–and investigated the effect of fantasy on their impulse control” (p. 179).
METHODS
Subjects sat in front of a computer monitor for all tests; they completed Eysenck’s seventh impulsivity questionnaire for measures of impulsivity, venturesomeness, and empathy, Marks’ Vividness of Visual Imagery Questionnaire (VVIQ).
The study used a test in which subjects maintained in mental imagery a red, green, and yellow filled circle that had been on screen, with eyes closed; were instructed to open eyes and merge their 3 imaginary circles with the 3 on the screen (but when they opened eyes only 2 were there), and they were then asked questions about how many circles they saw when they opened their eyes.
Then they were given a taste of popcorn, told to resist eating any more (but could press a key to receive a little if they couldn’t resist), and then were told to resist by imagining that they were eating popcorn.
RESULTS. Those who discerned the two real circles while imaging a third circle of equal vividness (the Discerners), could resist eating popcorn for 137 sec in the baseline condition and 132 sec in the fantasy condition. Those who could not discern two real circles while imagining a third (Nondiscerners) could resist eating popcorn for 127 sec in the baseline treatment but only 95 sec in the fantasy treatment.
Discerners could identify the missing circle as the red one, whereas nondiscerners could not do so with any certainty; there was no effect of “image vividness”.
“Vivid imagers” whose imagery matched real yellow circles of greater illuminance, exhibited more vivid imagery on the VVIQ as well.
In their Discussion, the authors suggest that “fantasy impels people to ‘act out’ only if they fail to distinguish fantasized sensations from perceived sensations. … [the theory] is applicable to sexual fantasy and aggressive fantasy as well. This theory– Kunzendorf’s ‘source monitoring’ theory of self-consciousness–implies that fantasies of the sensory consequences of a behavior should not lead to the behavior, so long as the fantasies are self-consciously known to be imaginal and are not expected to be perceptual… But for people who cannot self-consciously distinguish between wishful images of pure fantasy and anticipatory images of perceptual reality, between wishing and willing, fantasies of gastronomical, sexual, or aggressive sensations are implicitly unsafe.
“Indeed, as Baars notes, ‘the issue of voluntary control is at the very core of human psychopathology’ [31, p. 254]. But recently, Baars’ and others’ theories of volition have emphasized the computer-metaphoric distinction between conscious ‘willful’ behavior and unconscious ‘automatic’ action [31, 39-40], and have neglected James’ distinction between conscious willing and conscious wishing. Decades ago, when pre- computational theorists like Janet used the term ‘automatism’ to describe psychopathological behavior, they meant that an abnormally behaving patient was _consciously ‘possessed’ by a fantasy_–a wishful image, a hypnotic suggestion, or a fantasized personality [41]. In reemphasizing the phenomena of wishing, willing, and possession by fantasies, the present article redefines the latter phenomenon as possession by ‘unmonitored’ fantasies, which are distinguishable from anticipatory images impelling action” (pp. 184-185).
1992
Lynn, Steven Jay; Sivec, Harry (1992). The hypnotizable subject as creative problem-solving agent. In Fromm, Erika; Nash, Michael R. (Ed.), Contemporary hypnosis research (pp. 292-333). Guilford Press.
NOTES
These notes are taken only from the section of this chapter that deals with Hypnotic Responding, Imaginative Activity, and Expectancies, and they treat of the concept of nonvoluntary responding (pp 315-316). Other topics covered in the chapter include: Imagination, Fantasy, and Hypnosis Theories; The Hypnotizable Subject as Creative Problem-Solving Agent; Hypnosis and Subjects’ Capability for Imaginative Activity; Goal-Directed Fantasy: Patterns of Imaginative Activity during Hypnosis; Hypnosis and Creativity; and a Conclusion.
Several studies manipulated expectancies re the relationship between imagination and involuntariness. When Ss were told that “good” hypnotic subjects could (or could not) resist suggestions, “this information affected their ability to resist the hypnotist and tended to affect subjects’ report of suggestion-related involuntariness … [Lynn, Nash, Rhue, Frauman, & Sweeney, 1984]. Furthermore, subjects who successfully resisted suggestions and subjects who failed to do so reported comparable levels of hypnotic depth and imaginative involvement in suggestions.
“Spanos, Cobb, and Gorassini (1985) conducted a similar experiment in which they found that hypnotizable subjects who were instructed that they could become deeply involved in suggestions and yet resist them successfully resisted 95% of the suggestions and rated themselves as maintaining voluntary control over their behavior. Thus, subjects are able to resist nearly all of the suggestions when resistance is facilitated by situational demands. It is worth noting that subjects in this research who resisted hypnotic suggestions rated themselves as just as deeply involved in the suggestions as Ss who failed to resist suggestions after being informed that deeply hypnotized subjects were incapable of resisting suggestions” (pp. 315-316).
Lynn, Snodgrass, et al. (1987). showed that hypnotizable Ss who were just “imagining” along with suggestions but instructed to resist responding to motoric suggestions acted the way hypnotized Ss did in their earlier countersuggestion research: imagining subjects tended to move in response to suggestion (that “good” Ss responded in certain ways), despite being instructed to resist. In this study, with instructions designed to increase the use of goal directed fantasies (GDFs), low and high hypnotizable subjects reported equivalent GDF absorption and frequency of GDFs. However, highs responded more and reported greater involuntariness than lows, even when their GDFs were equivalent.
“A number of other studies have examined the effects of expectancies on imaginings and hypnotic behavior. Spanos, Weekes, and de Groh (1984) informed subjects that deeply hypnotized individuals could imagine an arm movement in one direction while their unconscious caused the arm to move in the opposite direction. Even though subjects so informed moved in the opposite direction, they imagined suggested effects and described their countersuggestion behavior as involuntary” (p. 317).
1991
Oettingen, Gabriele; Wadden, Thomas A. (1991). Expectation, fantasy, and weight loss: Is the impact of positive thinking always positive?. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 15 (2), 167-175.
Investigated the impact of expectation and fantasy on the weight losses of 25 obese women participating in a behavioral weight reduction program. Both expectations of reaching one’s goal weight and spontaneous weight-related fantasies were measured at pretreatment before Ss began 1 year of weekly group treatment. Consistent with the hypothesis that expectation and fantasy are different in quality, these variables predicted weight change in opposite directions. Optimistic expectations but negative fantasies favored weight loss. Ss who displayed pessimistic expectations combined with positive fantasies had the poorest treatment outcome. Expectation but not fantasy predicted program attendance. The effects of fantasy are discussed with regard to their potential impact on weight reduction therapy.
Rhue, Judith W.; Lynn, Steven Jay (1991). Storytelling, hypnosis and the treatment of sexually abused children. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 39 (4), 198-214.
The present article describes an assessment and therapy program for sexually abused children using hypnotherapeutic techniques which center on storytelling. Storytelling presents the therapist with an opportunity to use comforting suggestions, symbolism, and metaphor to provide the emotional distance necessary to deal with the trauma of abuse. Hypnotherapy proceeds in a stepwise fashion from the building of a sense of safety and security; to imaginativge sharing; to the introduction of reality events; to the final step of addressing complex emotional issues of loss, trust, love, and guilt brought about by the abuse.
1990
Council, James R.; Huff, Kenneth D. (1990). Hypnosis, fantasy activity, and reports of paranormal experiences in high, medium and low fantasizers. British Journal of Experimental and Clinical Hypnosis, 7 (3), 9-15.
The personality construct “fantasy-proneness” (Wilson and Barber, 1983a) has important implications for theories of hypnosis, imagination, and paranormal phenomena. The present study compared characteristics of persons who received high, medium or low scores on a self-report measure of fantasy-proneness. Results revealed that the three groups differed significantly on measures of absorption, daydreaming styles, and reports of paranormal experiences. However, although high fantasizers were significantly more hypnotizable than low fantasizers, they did not differ from the middle group. These results are used to further characterize fantasy-prone persons, and implications of extremely low fantasy-proneness are discussed.
Rhue, Judith W.; Lynn, Steven Jay; Henry, Stephanie; Buhk, Kerry; Boyd, Patti (1990-91). Child abuse, imagination and hypnotizability. Imagination, Cognition and Personality, 10, 53-63.
Research was designed to provide a rigorous test of J. R. Hilgard’s hypothesis that hypnotizability is related to a history of physical punishment and to imaginative involvements. College students who reported a history of physical abuse (N = 21) and sexual abuse (N = 23) were compared with control subjects who either lost a parent by way of death or divorce (N = 20) or who were from intact homes (N = 35), under test conditions that minimized the possibility that context effects would prejudice the findings. No support was found for the hypothesis that increased hypnotizability was associated with a history of physical or sexual abuse: All of the groups ere indistinguishable on measures of objective and subjective response to hypnosis. However, consistent with Hilgard’s hypothesis, physically and sexually abused subjects were found to be more fantasy-prone than subjects in both nonabused control conditions.
1989
Ganaway, George K. (1989). Historical versus narrative truth: Clarifying the role of exogenous trauma in the etiology of MPD and its variants. Dissociation, 2, 205-220.
The author notes a current trend toward viewing multiple personality disorder (MPD) and its variants as a form of chronic post-traumatic stress disorder based solely on exogenous childhood trauma, and cautions against prematurely reductionistic hypotheses. He focuses on Kluft’s Third Etiological Factor, which includes the various developmental, biological, interpersonal, sociocultural, and psychodynamic shaping influences and substrates that determine the form taken by the dissociative defense. He hypothesizes a credibility continuum of childhood and contemporary memories arising primarily from exogenous trauma at one end, and endogenous trauma (stemming from intrapsychic adaptational needs) at the other. The author offers alternative multidetermined explanations for certain unverified trauma memories that currently are being accepted and validated as factual experiences by many therapists. He describes some potentially deleterious effects of validating unverified trauma memories during psychotherapy, and recommends that the MPD patients’ need for unconditional credibility be responded to in the same manner as other transference-generated productions.
Hoyt, Irene P.; Nadon, Robert; Register, Patricia A.; Chorny, Joseph; Fleeson, William; Grigorian, Ellen M.; Otto, Laura; Kihlstrom, John F. (1989). Daydreaming, absorption and hypnotizability. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 37, 332-342.
NOTES
It appears that the consistent correlation between hypnotizability and positive-constructive daydreaming is carried largely by three subscales–Acceptance of Daydreaming, Positive Reactions to Daydreaming, and Problem-Solving. Number other subscales consistently correlated with hypnotizability.
When absorption was taken into account, daydreaming activity made no independent contribution to the prediction of hypnotizability. “The present results differ from Crawford’s (1982) somewhat, however, in terms of the specific aspects of daydreaming activity that are associated with hypnosis. Crawford found that hypnotizability correlated consistently (i.e., in both men and women) with three subscales tapping imagery variables: the presence of visual and auditory imagery in daydreams and the hallucinatory vividness of daydream imagery. In the present study, the imagery subscale, including both visual and auditory items, did not correlate significantly with hypnotizability; unfortunately, the hallucinatory vividness subscale is not represented on the short form (SIPI) of the daydreaming questionnaire used in this study. Crawford (1982) did not find consistent correlations between hypnotizability and scales measuring acceptance, positive reactions, and problem solving–the subscales that consistently yielded significant correlations in the present study. Not too much interpretive weight should be given to any of the correlations between hypnotizability and daydreaming subscales, until a full replication with reliable subscale measurements (such as those provided by the long, original IPI) has been completed. The important point made by Crawford (1982), and confirmed in the present study, is that hypnotizability is related to positive-constructive rather than guilty-dysphoric daydreaming” (p. 338). The two studies agree that absorption and hypnosis are not correlated with daydreaming scales reflecting poor attentional control. Given the theoretical emphasis in both domains on the narrowing of attention and exclusion of potentially distracting input, negative correlations with this aspect of daydreaming might have been expected.
Rhue, Judith W.; Lynn, Steven Jay (1989). Fantasy proneness, hypnotizability, and absorption–a re-examination: A brief communication. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 37, 100-106.
In a previous study (Lynn & Rhue, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1986) of fantasy-prone persons, “fantasizers” participated in an 8-10 hour, multi-session study. Group selection was based on scoring in the upper 4% of the college population on the Inventory of Childhood Memories and Imaginings (ICMI) of Wilson and Barber (1981) and conforming to the fantasy-prone personality syndrome (Wilson & Barber, 1981) during an interview. Fantasizers differed from nonfantasizers (lower 4% of population) and medium range scorers on measures of hypnotizability (Harvard Group Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility, Form A, Shor & E. Orne, 1962) and absorption (Tellegen Absorption Scale, Tellegen, 1976). In the current study, Subject were selected on the basis of their ICMI scores and participated in a 1-session experiment. As in our first study (Lynn & Rhue, 1986), fantasizers differed from both comparison groups on the measure of absorption and from the nonfantasizers on the measure of hypnotizability. Further, the correlations among fantasy proneness, absorption, and hypnotizability were stable across studies. Fantasy proneness and absorption were not found to be truly discriminable constructs. Unlike our initial study (Lynn & Rhue, 1986), fantasy-prone and medium range Subjects were equally hypnotizable. Methodological differences across studies provide a plausible explanation for the disparate results obtained.
1988
Council, James R.; Greyson, Bruce; Huff, Kenneth D. (1988, November). Reports of paranormal experiences as a function of imaginative and hypnotic ability. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Asheville, NC.
Wilson and Barber (1983) have suggested that some excellent hypnotic subjects (“fantasy prone” persons) may be more likely to report paranormal experiences than the rest of the population. Council and Greyson (1985), studying a sample of subjects who had reported near-death experiences (NDEs), found a significant relationship between fantasy-proneness and NDEs, and a much stronger relationship between fantasy- proneness and reports of paranormal experiences in general. This paper presents new data from the study of NDE reporters and a replication and extension of those findings with a sample not selected for NDEs. These data indicate a strong association between fantasy- proneness and reports of paranormal experiences. Hypnotic susceptibility bears a weaker relationship with such reports that appears dependent upon variance shared with measures of fantasy-proneness. Other data from these studies suggests that both imaginative ability and reports of paranormal experiences may be related to a history of stressful or traumatic childhood experiences.
LeBaron, Samuel; Zeltzer, Lonnie K. (1988). Imaginative involvement and hypnotizability in childhood. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 36, 284-295.
2 pilot studies assessed the relationship between hypnotizability in children and extent of involvement in fantasy-related activities during early childhood. The Stanford Hypnotic Clinical Scale for Children and a structured interview questionnaire regarding fantasy activities based on previous work by Singer (1973) were given to 30 medical patients aged 6-18 years in the first study and to 37 healthy children aged 6-12 years from a school population in the second study. In both studies, hypnotizability correlated moderately (.42 and .39, respectively) with extent of involvement in fantasy- related activities. Results support Hilgard’s (1979) findings that hypnotizability is related in part to the development of imaginative involvement in childhood.
Lynn, Steven Jay; Rhue, Judith W. (1988). Fantasy proneness: Hypnosis, developmental antecedents, and psychopathology. American Psychologist, 43 (1), 35-44.
This article presents a summary of the findings of our ongoing research program on the fantasy-prone person. In seven studies, nearly 6,000 college students were screened in order to obtain five samples of 156 fantasy-prone subjects. Fantasy- prone subjects (fantasizers) were selected from the upper 2%-4% of the college population on a measure of imaginative involvement and contrasted with nonfantasizers (lower 2%-4%), and medium fantasy-prone subjects (middle range). General support was secured for Wilson and Barber’s construct of fantasy proneness: Fantasizers were found to differ from nonfantasizers, and in many cases also from medium-range subjects, on measures of hypnotizability, imagination, waking suggestibility, hallucinatory ability, creativity, psychopathology, and childhood experiences. Differences in hypnotizability were most reliable when subjects participated in a multisession study and were screened not only with the screening inventory, but also with an interview that substantiated their fantasy-prone status. However, our findings indicated that less correspondence between fantasy proneness and hypnotizability exists than Wilson and Barber suggested. Hypnotic responsiveness is possible even in the absence of well-developed imaginative abilities, and not all fantasizers were highly hypnotizable. Fantasizers recollected being physically abused and punished to a greater degree than other subjects did and reported experiencing greater loneliness and isolation as children. Many fantasizers appeared to be relatively well-adjusted; however, a subset of fantasizers were clearly maladjusted based on self- report, Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), and Rorschach test data. Because of the diversity inherent in the fantasy-prone population, it is misleading to think of individuals at the extreme end of the fantasy-proneness continuum as conforming to a unitary personality type.
1987
Lynn, Steven Jay; Rhue, Judith W. (1987). Hypnosis, imagination, and fantasy. Journal of Mental Imagery, 11, 101-112.
Considers three questions pertaining to the relationship between hypnotic responsiveness and imaginative processes: Are subjects’ nonhypnotic imaginative involvements related to hypnotic susceptibility? Do some fantasy prone subjects share a unique constellation of personality attributes and experiences, including an ability to respond to hypnotic suggestions? What are the childhood developmental antecedents of persons who score at the extremes of hypnotic ability and measures of fantasy and imagination? Reviews literature.
1986
Lynn, Steven Jay; Rhue, Judith W. (1986). The fantasy-prone person: Hypnosis, imagination, and creativity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 404-408.
Experimenters selected subjects who ranged along the continuum of fantasy proneness and assessed hypnotizability, absorption, vividness of mental imagery (QMI; Sheehan, 1967), response to waking suggestion (Creative Imagination Scale), creativity, and social desirability (Crowne & Marlowe). Fantasy-proneness was evaluated with the Inventory of Childhood Memories and Imaginings (Wilson & Barber, 1981). Strong support was secured for J. R. Hilgard’s construct of imaginative involvement and Wilson and Barber’s contention that fantasy prone persons can be distinguished from others in terms of fantasy and related cognitive processes. Fantasizers were found to outscore subjects in both comparison groups on all of the measures of fantasy, imagination, and creativity, with social desirability used as a covariate. Low fantasy-prone subjects were no less creative or less responsive to hypnosis than their medium fantasy-prone counterparts.
1985
Kerry Buhk; Rhue, Judith; Henry, Stephanie; Lynn, Steven Jay (1985, November). Fantasy proneness: Are their word associations richer?. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Asheville, NC.
NOTES
Experimenters screened 7000 students to get 6 samples of fantasy prone Ss (top 2.4% on Wilson and Barber’s ICMI). They found less association between fantasy proneness and hypnotizability than did Wilson and Barber.
They had fantasizers hallucinate a second cup next to a first styrofoam cup. Results were that 87% of High fantasizers, < 50% Medium fantasizers, < 25% Low fantasizers could do it, but they didn't describe seeing the hallucinated cup "as real as real" as Wilson and Barber said they did.
Experimenters were concerned about context effects (expectancy) because the Creativity and Fantasy Proneness tests were run proximal in time, so they separated in time the administration of Fantasy Prone and Creativity tests and also looked at word associations.
23 High and 20 Low fantasy prone students selected by ICMI, which was administered to Subjects 18 mos before the creativity study. At the time of the creativity study, Ss were informed they were randomly picked. There were two 90' sessions, counterbalanced.
Sessions: 1. Hallucinate image of R.A. and of styrofoam cup. Other tests were administered for intelligence and personality: Shipley-Hartford, MMPI, Crowne-Marlowe, etc. 2. Creativity tests (Revised Art Scale, Hilgard's Alternate Uses; story production which was scored on detail, imagery and fantasy and on imagery nouns.)
Results of this study which was independent of context (i.e. the tests being correlated were administered independently of each other, separated by time). 1. Fantasizers were more creative than low fantasizers on both Creativity Scales. 2. Fantasizers show more divergent thinking on Hilgard Alternate Uses test, but relationship between fantasy proneness and creativity were not strong, r = .30. 3. Fantasizers and non fantasizers did not differ on the story measures! This diverges from Wilson and Barber's results. Fantasizers may have more vivid images, but storytelling does not capture that.
Nash, Michael R.; Lynn, Steven Jay; Stanley, Scott; Frauman, David; Rhue, Judith (1985). Hypnotic age regression and the importance of assessing interpersonally relevant affect. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 33, 224-235.
The present study was undertaken to replicate an earlier experiment and to clarify which factors in this previous experiment (Nash, Johnson, & Tipton, 1979) were responsible for the obtained child-like behaviors of hypnotically regressed Ss. As in the previous study, 3 characteristics of the transitional object relationship (spontaneity, specificity, and intensity) were used as the primary criteria to investigate the effects of hypnotic age regression when Ss were regressed to age 3 and placed in 3 home situations. While in the previous study E suggested separation anxiety and isolation during the 3 home situations (mother-absent condition), the present study deleted all references to anxiety and isolation, and replaced them with suggestions of security and maternal proximity (mother-present condition). As expected, the mother-present versus mother-absent conditions led to similar hypnotized- simulating differences. In further accord with predictions, hypnotized Ss and simulating Ss requested a transitional object infrequently in the presence of mother. The importance of using dependent measures which index affective processes germane to interpersonal affect-laden experience is discussed.
Neufeld, Victor; Lynn, Steven Jay; Jacquith, Leah; Weekes, John (1985, November). Fantasy style, imagination, and hypnotizability. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Asheville, NC.
NOTES