29 Ss were assigned to one of 3 treatment conditions and treated for their cigarette smoking over a 2-week period. These conditions were: group rapid smoking, group hypnosis, and an attention-placebo control group. All treatments produced significant reductions in average daily smoking rates during the treatment phase but all Ss returned to near baseline levels of smoking by the 6-week follow-up. The rapid smoking and hypnosis groups did not differ from the control group in smoking rates at treatment termination or at the 6-week follow-up. They also did not differ from the control group in the number of Ss abstaining from smoking by treatment termination but did differ at follow-up. Eventually, at the 9-month follow-up, only Ss from the group rapid smoking condition had significantly more abstainers than the control group. The results suggested that rapid smoking can work as effectively in group procedures as previous individualized approaches had demonstrated. Group hypnosis, while less effective than some previous individualized approaches had indicated, was nevertheless only marginally less effective than the group rapid smoking procedure. The use of abstinence rates as opposed to average rates of smoking was strongly recommended as the best measure of treatment effectiveness for future research in this area.

Watkins, Helen H. (1976). Hypnosis and smoking: A five session approach. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 24, 381-390.

An individualized method of treatment aimed at the reduction of smoking is described which is based on a study of the motivations of each client. Specialized suggestions and specifically-tailored fantasies are then initiated to undermine rationalizations and reinforce the person’s commitment to stop smoking. A number of different techniques are mobilized within a hypnotic, “concentation-relaxaton” approach and are combined with behavior therapy procedures to achieve strong counter-motivations to smoking. 78% of those who finished the program stopped smoking, and 67% were still not smoking at the end of 6 months. The individuals who were most resistant to the treatment appeared to be those who were using smoking as a way of controlling anger.

Mullen, G.; Perry, C. (1975). The effects of hypnotic susceptibility on reducing smoking behavior treated by a hypnotic technique. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 31, 498-505.

In order to examine the relationship between hypnotizability and treatment outcome in which hypnosis is used, 54 people ages 19-47 who undertook to stop smoking were studied. Although it is logical that there should be a relationship, clinical anecdotal material published by people who used hypnosis (Freud, Weitzenhoffer, Lazarus, Sheehan, Orne) suggests that may not be the case. Hypnotic susceptibility was evaluated with a clinical procedure developed by Orne and O’Connell (the DRP). Patients were taught self hypnosis using a brief procedure developed by Herbert Spiegel. Baseline smoking rate and three-month follow-up with postcards mailed every week were employed as measures. Success in the treatment program was defined as a 50% reduction in smoking behavior. After 3 months, 7 people were abstinent, 10 had reduced smoking to criterion level (50%), 16 people had discontinued the investigation, and 21 did not change. Considering only the 15 most and 15 least hypnotizable, 12 of the 15 high susceptibles had reduced smoking by at least 50%, as compared to 5 of the 15 of the low susceptibles. (chi square = 4.88, df = 1, p<.05). 1972 Suedfeld, Peter; Landon, P. Bruce; Pargament, Richard; Epstein, Yakov M. (1972). An experimental attack on smoking (attitude manipulation in restricted environments, III). International Journal of the Addictions, 7 (4), 721-733. Forty male cigarette smokers were Ss in a study which involved 24 hr of sensory deprivation (SD) and a brief anti-smoking message. On a measure of belief instability (errors in scaling the extremeness of statements about smoking), SD Ss showed more instability than controls; but the scores of Ss who heard the message were about equal, regardless of SD. Agreement with antismoking statements was highest in the SD-no message and message-no SD groups. While the message induced belief instability and attitude change under normal circumstances, it had the opposite effect in SD. This may have been due to the stimulus value of the message and/or to the overt nature of the manipulation attempt. In spite of this, three months later SD Ss (regardless of message) reported smoking significantly less than controls. The results relate the known cognitive effects of SD to its effects on persuasibility, further explore the cognitive uncertainty model of attitude change, and indicate the potential usefulness of SD as a technique for bringing about significant attitudinal and behavioral change. 1970 Dengrove, Edward; Nuland, William; Wright, M. Erik (1970). A single-treatment method to stop smoking using ancillary self-hypnosis: Discussion. [Comment/Discussion] . NOTES Discusses H. Spiegel''s (see PA, Vol. 45:Issue 1) smoking treatment method comparing it to behavior therapy and suggesting modifications to treat smokers not responding to the method as described. It is suggested that certain psychological conditions must become active for nonsmoking status to be achieved or maintained including: (a) recognizing the consequences of smoking to be imminent, (b) identifying oneself as a nonsmoker, (c) expecting and wanting to participate in a satisfying future, and (d) adopting a way by which the individual can gain control over smoking. The technique outlined deals with these 4 dynamic aspects and makes a significant contribution to the treatment of the smoker''s problem. (German & Spanish summaries) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved) Hall, J. A.; Crasilneck, H. B. (1970). Development of a hypnotic technique for treating chronic cigarette smoking. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 18, 283-289. 4 hypnotic sessions were found successful, in the majority of cases, in eliminating cigarette smoking without undersirable substitution symptoms. Patients were strongly motivated by the referring physicians and by various nonhypnotic techniques incorporated into the treatment program. Examples are given of the specific nature of both the hypnotic and the nonhypnotic suggestions employed. (German & Spanish summaries) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2002 APA, all rights reserved) Kline, Milton V. (1970). The use of extended group hypno-therapy sessions in controlling cigarette habituation. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 18, 270-282. Results of the present experimental approach to the treatment of smoking habituation tend to be consistent with the view of smoking habituation as a dependence reaction, parallel to drug addiction, and with the concept that habituation must be examined as a psychosomatic entity. Therapeutic approaches must take into account the psychophysiological characteristics of deprivation behavior. Hypnosis, and particularly extended periods of hypnotherapy involving the reduction and control of deprivation behavior, seems to offer a promising approach to the therapeutic treatment of smoking habituation. (German & Spanish summaries) (17 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved) Nuland, William; Field, Peter B. (1970). Smoking and hypnosis: A systematic approach. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 18, 290-306. Compared 2 methods of helping cigarette smokers stop smoking using 181 patients. After 6 mo., 60% of those treated with an active, personalized approach were not smoking. This approach emphasized: (a) the feedback, under hypnosis, of the S''''s own reasons for quitting, (b) maintaining contact with the S by telephone, (c) use of meditation during hypnosis to obtain individualized motives, and (d) self-hypnosis. Only 25% of Ss were successfully treated by an earlier hypnotic procedure that did not systematically employ these features. (German & Spanish summaries) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved) Spiegel, Herbert (1970). A single-treatment method to stop smoking using ancillary self-hypnosis. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 18 (4), 235-250. Discusses the 1st 615 patient-smokers who were treated with a single 45-min session of psychotherapy reinforced by hypnosis. Technique of treatment, including rationale of approach, induction procedure, assessment of hypnotizability, and training instructions to stop smoking are presented in detail. 6-mo follow-up study results are discussed. Of 44% who returned a questionnaire, hard-core smokers stopped for at least 6 mo. Another 20% reduced their smoking to varying degrees. Results of a 1-session treatment compare favorably with, and often are significantly better than, other longer-term methods reported in the literature. It is suggested that every habitual smoker who is motivated to stop be exposed to the impact of this procedure, or its equivalent, so that at least 1 of 5 smokers can be salvaged. (French & Spanish summaries). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved) Spiegel, Herbert (1970). A single-treatment method to stop smoking using ancillary self-hypnosis: Final remarks in response to the discussants. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 18 (4), 268. Reexamines the major points of the author''s papers (see PA, Vol. 45:Issue 1) on smoking modification. Data inclusion, therapy length, Ss'' ability to change, and use of multiple therapists and tape recordings as reinforcement are discussed. It is concluded that the method should be used to "sharpen our techniques that we can relatively quickly learn who has the capacity to change for given goals, and then to help evoke the desired change as efficiently as possible." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved) 1964 Stein, C. (1964). A displacement and reconditioning technique for compulsive smokers. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 12 (4), 230-238. A procedure for reducing total anxiety in chronic smokers while ostensibly directed toward permissive alteration of the smoking pattern is presented. In light trance the motivated patient is taught: (a) elementary respiratory relaxation (natural sigh), (b) displacement of emphasis from inhaling smoke to _exhaling_ clean fresh air, (c) enhancement of satisfaction from other pleasurable factors -- touch, shape, color, aroma, flame, smoke clouds, and taste, (d) to puff, hold smoke in mouth, inhale fresh air through nose and exhale through mouth. In most cases practice in stressing positive qualitative smoking pleasure soon results in automatic quantitative reduction of cigarette consumption. 5 brief case reports are presented. 1956 Hershman, Seymour (1956). Hypnosis and excessive smoking. Keywords: addiction, medical, smoking NOTES "Conclusion: Several methods are described wherein psycho-biologic techniques can be used with hypnotic procedures to treat excessive cigarette smoking with relatively permanent results. These techniques include symptom substitution, reeducation, reconditioning, reassurance and persuasion. The use of fantasy evocation, visual imagery, etc. by means of the hypnotic state produces an increase in the patient's responsiveness to therapy. "Several case histories have been presented to illustrate some of the various techniques and their reactions. These procedures can readily be made available to a vast number of people with gratifying results. It is felt that all professional people in the therapeutic fields should be aware of the excellent use which can be made of hypnosis, and should acquaint themselves with hypnotic techniques in order to utilize them to the best interests of their patients. It is important to note that psychodynamic orientation is essential to the proper utilization of hypnosis and that the training received by the stage entertainer lacks this important element" (p. 29). SOCIAL CONTROL 1991 Kinnunen, Taru; Zamansky, Harold S.; Block, Martin L. (1991, August). Is the hypnotized subject lying?. [Paper] Presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, San Francisco. To determine whether or not hypnotized subjects misrepresent or lie about their hypnotic experiences, electrodermal skin conductance responses were measured while groups of deeply hypnotized subjects and simulators responded to questions about their experiences to a series of suggestion. 89% of the responses of the hypnotic subjects met the criteria for truthfulness, while 65% of the responses of the simulators indicated deception. Differences between "reals" and simulators were highly significant. The relevance of the results for the nature and theory of hypnosis is discussed. (ABSTRACT from Bulletin of Division 30, Psychological Hypnosis, Provided by former Editor, James Council.) Wagstaff, Graham F. (1991). Hypnosis and harmful and antisocial acts: Some theoretical and empirical issues. Contemporary Hypnosis, 8, 141-146. NOTES The author analyses paper in same issue of this journal: Gibson, H. B. (1991). Can hypnosis compel people to commit harmful, immoral and criminal acts?: A review of the literature. He presents a critique from the point of view of "state" theorists, and concludes: "Where does this leave us? The area seems to be a potential minefield for any unsuspecting dissociationist. Personally, I think that both parsimony, and what empirical evidence there is, point to a non-state approach to this issue. However, despite the inevitable uncertainties and differences of opinion, there is perhaps a very obvious and important lesson to be gained by all from studies in this area. It has been fashionable to write off experimental studies on this topic on the grounds that subjects in these studies generally perceive the situation as 'safe'; this is not only the case in hypnosis research but also in general social-psychological work on obedience (see, for example, Orne & Holland, 1968; Mixon, 1974). Some have questioned this assumption that subjects only obey the experimenter when they perceive the situation to be safe (see Barber, 1969; Milgram, 1974), but what often goes unnoticed is the significance of this assumption in itself. If labeling a situation as 'hypnosis', or even just an 'experiment', can make subjects think that any apparently harmful act they are requested to perform is safe, think of the implications; here, in itself, is a potentially powerful, even lethal, mechanism by which people in hypnotic contexts may be induced to perform harmful and antisocial acts. They perform them because, given the context, they think it is safe to do so! In the study of Orne and Evans the venomous snake the subjects were instructed to grasp was placed behind an 'invisible' glass screen, and the acid they were instructed to throw at the experimenter had been, allegedly unknown to them, replaced by a harmless liquid; one wonders, however, if writers would be so dismissive if the liquid that Orne and Evans' subjects threw at the experimenter had actually burned him, or the snake that they picked up had actually killed them" (pp. 144-45). 1990 Coe, William C. (1990). Are the Conclusions Valid? Invited discussion of Levitt, Baker, and Fish: Some conditions of compliance and resistance among hypnotic subjects. American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 32 (4), 237-239. NOTES The authors confounded variables, e.g. hypnotic susceptibility and monetary incentive (in Study IV), and Study IV was different from the other 3 studies, so that any differences/similarities between these studies can't be attributed to susceptibility level, degree of incentive, or interaction between them. A simulator design would clarify why 50% of Ss in Study IV did not resist and lost $100; also, postexperimental interviews focusing on Ss' reasons for resisting or not resisting would be helpful. Did nonresisters actually believe that they would receive $100 for resisting? The Subject population was not homogeneous in occupation, and students are financially poorer than others--which would affect incentive strength. Were those who resisted the ones who could use the money the most? Small sample sizes obviating statistical tests is a problem. Coe nevertheless evaluates 4 variables in terms of the 'power' of their effects on hypnosis: 1. Susceptibility level. Studies I, II, and III all show correlations between hypnotizability and compliance with resistance, suggesting that high hypnotizables are not as susceptible to resistance manipulation; however across studies, highs in one study seem to comply at the same rate as lows in another study, and as many as 50% of high hypnotizables in the strong incentive ($100) study were able to resist suggestions. 2. View of the Hypnotist. Coe states that one can't evaluate the question with the data given. One would need an experimental condition that would also create a negative view of the hypnotist, as all samples tended to view the hypnotist positively. 3. View of Resistance Instructor. Again, one would need a research design that separates the effects of hypnotic susceptibility from effects of Ss' views of the resistance instructor. "Nevertheless, Study IV suggests that for high susceptibles the view of the resistance instructor has little effect. Three resisters viewed him as positive, whereas the other three viewed him as negative; further, nearly all of the nonresisters viewed him as neutral" (p. 238). 4. Degree of Incentive. This too was confounded with susceptibility level, as "the higher value was only offered to the very high susceptibles in study IV. Half of them took it, half did not" (pp. 238-239). Coe also remarks that "the expectational effects on subjects of being in an experiment have not been addressed adequately. It is possible that the experimental paradigm as currently presented is incapable of providing an unambiguous answer to the question of coercion. In naturalistic settings subjects may react quite differently than they do when they know they are participating in an experiment" (p. 239). Spiegel, David (1990). Theoretical and empirical resistance to hypnotic compliance. Invited discussion of Levitt, Baker, and Fish: Some conditions of compliance and resistance among hypnotic subjects. American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 32 (4), 243-245. NOTES Does hypnosis bypass the will, facilitate coercion? The hardest thing for trauma victims to do is to admit helplessness. Furthermore, it is interesting that these same dissociative phenomena seem to be elicited by traumatic experience, the stark imposition of involuntariness (Stutman & Bliss, 1985; Spiegel, Hunt, & Dondershine, 1988). What, then, are we to make of experiments that purport to show that hypnotizable and hypnotized individuals comply with hypnotic instructions irrationally? At some level this challenges our comfortable belief that we always act in our enlightened self-interest, unaffected by unwanted influence. If that can happen even once, our pride of self- ownership is reduced. Taken as a whole, the studies show that high hypnotizables comply with hypnotic instructions, even in the face of resistance instructions, whereas low hypnotizables are less likely to, especially when conditions foster a relatively less negative view of the resistance instructor. As the authors note, subjects always viewed the hypnotist more positively than the resistance instructor, which in itself suggests the nonrational influence intrinsic to hypnosis. Free will is not abrogated, it is simply not exercised. The Ss are fundamentally choosing whether or not to comply. Half of the highs in Study IV resisted the hypnotic instruction. However, hypnotized individuals tend to narrow the focus of attention, thereby reducing their ability to consider alternatives such as the resistance instruction. William James (1890) believed that all ideas were invitations to action. Why, then, do we not act on every idea we have, he pondered on a snowy morning while lying in bed. He observed that he would try to get himself to arise by picturing himself doing so. "Why, then, am I still in bed?" He realized that he was editing the primary idea, reflecting on how cold it was, how long it would take to light a fire, and how much time he had until his classes. In a state characterized by a narrowing of the focus of attention, we are less likely to edit the primary idea, and therefore more likely to act. In the experiments presented, the resistance instructor attempts to act as an external editor on the primary hypnotic instruction. Those capable of focusing attention sufficiently disattend to the editing and comply. These studies show that, thankfully, hypnosis is less than automatic submission to instruction but, interestingly, more than simple conscious response to new information. Weitzenhoffer, Andre M. (1990). Are induced automatisms necessarily coercive? Invited discussion of Levitt, Baker, and Fish: Some conditions of compliance and resistance among hypnotic subjects. American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 32 (4), 245-246. NOTES "For the sake of maintaining historical accuracy, I would like first to remark that the ability of hypnotized Ss to resist suggestions was probably never a central issue in the Nancy-Salpetriere controversy. The main quarrel was about other fundamental matters (Crocq, 1900; Barrucand, 1967). It also needs to be said that Pierre Janet should not be seen as representing the Salpetriere in the above controversy. Very little of his extensive writings reflect the ideas of Charcot with whom he was associated for only 4 years (1889- 1893) (Barrucand, 1967; Ellenberger, 1970). Lastly, let it be noted that the association of automatism with hypnotic behavior antedates Bernheim. Despine wrote about it at length as early as 1868, and Charcot (1882) clearly stated before Bernheim that automatic responses to suggestions were characteristic of induced somnambulism. This was at least one view they shared. Referring to the material quoted from my 1978 paper, the authors assert Bernheim's definition of automatism implies a subject responding to a suggestion qua suggestion is "unable to resist" it. But all the definition says is that the will does not directly enter into the production of automatisms. It does not say the will cannot effectively intrude at some point or other. This definition, quoted out of context, was part of a more extensive discussion of _what the nature_ of an automatism was for Bernheim. The discussion also went into details regarding _the conditions_ under which Bernheim understood automatisms can occur and hold sway. In this greater context, Bernheim (1888a, 1888b) viewed the occurrence of automatisms as normally subject to control by the ego processes responsible for volitional activities. He saw the degree to which a person's behavior can be controlled by automatisms initiated by suggestions to be a function of the extent to which certain ego processes become inactive, ineffective, or cooperatively permit the automatisms to occur. Bernheim recognized that both cognitive and relational factors played an important part in the latter case. Bernheim (1888a, 1888b) also stated that data he had collected showed subjects _could_ resist suggestions to varying degrees, with only 17%, who made up the class of somnambules, being _totally incapable_ of resisting" (pp. 245-246). "Stating the matter more concretely, I doubt many people would speak of an individual having been 'coerced' into producing a knee-jerk reflex under appropriate stimulation. Should the situation be any different in the case of other reflexes and, more particularly, the reflex ideodynamic action presumed to underlay suggested acts (Weitzenhoffer 1978, 1989)? I do not think so. It seems to me that what the authors have really and directly examined in their article is the extent to which the classical suggestion effect can be countered by conscious, voluntary control" (p. 246). 1988 Coons, P. M. (1988). Misuse of forensic hypnosis: A hynotically elicited false confession with the apparent creation of a multiple personality. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 36 (1), 1-11. A case is presented in which there was flagrant misuse of forensic hypnosis. The patient, a woman in her early 30s, was accused of shooting her 2 children. During a hypnotic interview, the police hypnotist used an extremely suggestive interrogative technique, and the suspect produced an apparent secondary personality who confessed to the shootings. Subsequently the prosecutor tried to enter the "hypnotic confession" as evidence against the defendant. The evidence was dis-allowed because of the manner in which it was obtained and because of the lack of verification from other sources. The literature regarding the use of forensic hypnosis is reviewed as is the literature regarding multiple personality and the experimental production of multiple personality-like phenomena. 1986 Sands, Steven (1986, August). The use of hypnosis in establishing a holding environment to facilitate affect tolerance and integration in impulsive patients. Psychiatry, 49. This paper is concerned with the use of hypnosis in establishing a facilitating and holding environment in the treatment of impulsive behavior across a range of diagnoses. The reason for this cross-diagnostic viewpoint is to underscore the common sources of such action and the needs to be met in its treatment. Illustrations from work with two patients are presented: One was a hypomanic and bulimic woman who was successful in her profession; the other was an underemployed and sometimes unemployed schizophrenic man. Both were inclined to self-defeating impulsive action---bulimia in the woman, assault in the man. 1981 Conn, J. H. (1981). The myth of coercion through hypnosis: A brief communication. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 29 (2), 95-99. A brief history of coercion through hypnosis is presented. Hypnosis is not an external "force," which can be used to overcome a subject's "will power." It can be used as an alibi, a folie a deux, a neurotic compromise, a legitimatization, or rationalization of behavior, as well as being genuine, involuntary, automatic hypnosis. Unwitting simulation occurs frequently. Laboratory crimes and stage hypnosis are "make believe" performances occurring in a completely protected situation. Neither a long-term relationship, nor an attempt to distort perception is a necessary or sufficient cause of coercion. The possibility of "motivated helplessness," a "self-fulfilling prophecy" or a "believed in efficacy" must be considered. Coercion through hypnosis is a myth which will not disappear so long as it is fostered by uninformed hypnotists, who believe that all initiative and self-determination is surrendered by the subject to an "all powerful" hypnotist. 1975 Spear, J. E. (1975). The utilization of non-drug induced altered states of consciousness in borderline recidivists. American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 18, 111-126. Utilizing non-drug induced altered states of consciousness, various modes of interior reflection, behavior modification and reprogramming of conscious attitudes and values were utilized with 49 borderline recidivists. Such offenders were so determined by the Department of Corrections, Probation and Parole Office, District II. No coercion was used to induce such individuals to enter the program and there was no reprisal for stopping therapy at any time. Over a two and one-half year period the recidivist rate among this group was less than 5%. It is suggested that non-drug induced altered states of consciousness combined with indirect as well as symbolic techniques may prove to be the most effective means of criminal rehabilitation. NOTES Berderline recidivists were "individuals, who, in the opinion of the P.O. [probation officer] were, in all probability, to be returned to prison within a few months, or less, if there wasn't a major change in attitude and actions" (p. 111). Therapy employed closed circuit TV with bi-directional audio and induction of altered state of consciousness using an ophthalmology-type rotary prism. Therapy involved (s) recall of relaxed state when under stress, (2) exploration of early conditioning events, (3) self evaluation during the ASC, (4) use of symbolic mental exercises and mental practice for similar circumstances in normal waking state, (5) suggestions for setting goals and ideals, (7) a type of logotherapy, (7) 'nudging' the person to examine their relationship with their concept of God. The author noted in the parolees: (1) low levels of self esteem, (2) depression, (3) going into deep levels of altered states once trust was established with the therapist. 1954 Howarth, Edgar (1954). Postscript to a new theory of hypnosis. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 2, 91-92. NOTES Referring to a theory of internal and external signalling systems, the author describes situations in which an individual's behavior comes under other than willed control by virtue of external circumstances. "In normal behavior the individual provides his own 'will' and may, to some extent, choose among a variety of alternative action sequences on the basis of guiding integrations between the second (externally directed) signalling system and the primary (internally directed) signalling system. ... it appears that a considerable degree of control may be obtained by the 'top' semantic command system over internal process, particularly those 'inhibited' by the cranial and sacral subdivisions of the 'autonomic' nervous system. .. [In anecdotal case reports] control was gained over breathing, heart rate and bladder and the person may feign death for several days. In such cases surface wounds do not exude other than lymph. The method for such control remains for experimental examination, but a necessary part of the procedure seems to be the use of mild occasional reward during a prolonged period of fasting. Solitary confinement is also necessary and both deserts and prison cells are reported ... to have been used" (pp. 91-92). 1953 Beigel, Hugo G. (1953). Prevarication under hypnosis. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 1 (3), 32-40. NOTES Author describes three cases in which hypnosis was used to confirm or disconfirm information provided in the waking state. All three cases involved marital relationships and mistrust. "It is interesting that, awakened from the hypnotic state, none of the subjects made the slightest attempt to deny any of the admissions made" (p. 39). Guze, Henry (1953). The phylogeny of hypnosis. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 1 (3), 41-46. NOTES "The continuity of hypnotic phenomena from infrahuman through human organisms has created an array of problems in interpretation" (p. 41). "Unfortunately, most investigators in animal hypnosis have concerned themselves mainly with states of immobility. Because of this, they have neglected to recognize that hierarchical and group reactions of animals are just as fit in the category of hypnotic behavior" (pp. 41-42). "It is postulated in this paper that hypnosis or hypnotizability is a phylogenetically derived characteristic strongly akin to emotional readiness. It differs in expression from organism to organism within a species and from species to species" (p. 45). Marcuse, F. L. (1953). Anti-social behavior and hypnosis. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 1, 18-20. NOTES "The problem of whether an individual under hypnosis can be caused to commit an act contrary to his or her moral code must be paraphrased to ask whether an individual under hypnosis can be caused to commit an act which is socially and objectively reprehensible. When the question is so phrased and suitable technique is used, it is the writer's opinion that the answer is yes" (p. 20). SOCIAL PRESSURE 1994 Spanos, Nicholas P.; Burgess, Cheryl A.; Burgess, Melissa Faith (1994). Past-life identities, UFO abductions, and satanic ritual abuse: The social construction of memories. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 42 (4), 433-446. People sometimes fantasize entire complex scenarios and later define these experiences as memories of actual events rather than as imaginings. This article examines research associated with three such phenomena: past-life experiences, UFO alien contact and abduction, and memory reports of childhood ritual satanic abuse. In each case, elicitation of the fantasy events is frequently associated with hypnotic procedures and structured interviews which provide strong and repeated demands for the requisite experiences, and which then legitimate the experiences as "real memories." Research associated with these phenomena supports the hypothesis that recall is reconstructive and organized in terms of current expectations and beliefs. SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 1997 Kihlstrom, John F. (1997). Convergence in understanding hypnosis? Perhaps, but perhaps not quite so fast. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 45 (3), 324-332. The study of hypnosis has been plagued by conflict. Although a more recent trend has been the search for convergence among disparate points of view, two highly salient issues remain contentious: the question of whether hypnosis involves alterations in consciousness, and the nature and correlates of individual differences in hypnotic response. Theoretical convergence is a laudable goal, but not at the expense of obscuring the complexity of hypnosis as a state of altered consciousness, a cognitive skill, and a social interaction. Perhaps the best prescription for convergence in hypnosis is the cautious conviction advocated by Kenneth S. Bowers and so clearly exemplified in his own research. - Journal Abstract NOTES "Modern cognitive psychology and cognitive science have come to a point where, at long last, they are prepared to take seriously the problem of consciousness, and of the relations between conscious and unconscious mental life (e.g., Kihlstrom, in press). Hypnosis has something unique to contribute to this discussion, but it will not do so if it achieves convergence by ignoring the alterations of consciousness that lie at the core of the experience of hypnosis" (p. 328). "Hypnosis is a complex phenomenon, simultaneously a social interaction, with hypnotist and subject interacting in a larger sociocultural context, and a state of altered consciousness, involving basic cognitive mechanisms underlying perception, memory, and thought. When we do eventually achieve consensus on a theoretical account of hypnosis, that account will have to invoke the constructs of both cognitive and social psychology" (p. 329). Lynn, Steven Jay (1997). Automaticity and hypnosis: A sociocognitive account. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 45 (3), 239-250. This article provides an overview of a new theory of suggested involuntariness in hypnosis, developed in conjunction with Irving Kirsch. The theory is based on the following ideas. First, high hypnotizable participants enter hypnosis with a conscious intention to feel and behave in line with suggested experiences and movements. Second, people who are easily hypnotized hold firm expectations that they will succeed in following the suggestions of the hypnotist. Third, the intention and expectation in turn function as response sets in the sense that they trigger the hypnotic response automatically. Fourth, given the intention to feel and behave in line with the hypnotist's suggestions, hypnotized individuals show no hesitation to experience the suggested movements as involuntary because (a) these movements are actually triggered automatically, and (b) the intention to cooperate with the hypnotist as well as the expectation to be able to do so create a heightened readiness to experience these actions as involuntary. - Journal Abstract Nadon, Robert (1997). What this field needs is a good nomological network. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 45 (3), 314-323. Research in the field of hypnosis lacks a coherent structure on which to build. This lack of a mature nomological network stems from fundamental disagreements concerning the construct validity of hypnotizability, which in turn stem in part from different research practices across laboratories. For these reasons, the field has had less impact on psychology and medicine than is warranted by the numerous sophisticated scientific studies that have been conducted during the past three decades. - Journal Abstract NOTES Author refers to Cronbach & Meehl, 1955, for these definitions. "Construct validity is ordinarily studied when the tester has no definite criterion measure of the quality with which he is concerned, and must use indirect measures. Here the trait or quality underlying the test is of central importance, rather than either the test behavior or the scores on the criteria" (p. 282, C & M). "Scientifically speaking, to 'make clear what something is' means to set forth the laws in which it occurs. We shall refer to the interlocking system of laws which constitute a theory as a nomological network' (p. 290, C & M, emphasis omitted). Author suggests that progress in developing a nomological network is dependent upon standardization of research procedures, such as the hypnosis scales used, the inductions used, and the description of hypnosis given to research subjects. He recommends using the Harvard Group Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility, Form A, the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale, Form C, and the Waterloo-Stanford Group C Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility "perhaps with agreed-on modifications to include subjective experience as is the case with the CURSS" (p. 321). Nash, Michael R. (1997). Why scientific hypnosis needs psychoanalysis (or something like it). International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 45 (3), 291-300. The author contends that some contemporary hypnosis theories are restricted and narrow in scope, rendering them unnecessarily isolated from mainstream models of human development, psychopathology, and personality functioning. They seem to explain hypnosis and little else. The author contrasts this with psychoanalysis, which, although sometimes overly expansive, does nonetheless lend itself to the generation of specific hypothesis via careful deduction from a general theory of human behavior and experience. For illustrative purposes, the author criticizes the sociocognitive perspective of hypnosis contending that at present it is too narrowly inductive in focus, overvalues social influence, and has its own problems with reification. The author suggests remedies for these difficulties. - Journal Abstract Ruehle, Beth L.; Zamansky, Harold S. (1997). The experience of effortlessness in hypnosis: Perceived or real. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 45 (2), 144-157. Hypnotized individuals who successfully respond to a suggestion typically report that the response requires little or no cognitive effort. It is important, however, to distinguish between whether this effect occurs in actual effort or is only perceived. In addition, the authors distinguish between cognitive effort expended to initiate a response and that required to maintain it. The authors examine the different predictions of four theories-compliance theory, sociocognitive theory (Lynn & Rhue, 1991), Hilgard's (1986) neodissociation theory, and Bowers's (1992) theory of dissociated control-regarding both of these distinctions. Experimental evidence bearing on the various predictions is examined. Additionally, the authors propose a number of design modifications that may help sort out the variables contributing to the effortlessness of the hypnotic response. -- Journal Abstract 1995 Ganaway, George K. (1995). Hypnosis, childhood trauma, and dissociative identity disorder: Toward an integrative theory. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 43 (2), 127-144. It is contended that prevailing exogenous trauma theory provides in most cases neither a sufficient nor a necessary explanation for the current large number of diagnosed cases of dissociative identity disorder (multiple personality disorder) and related dissociative syndromes purported to have arisen as a response to severe early childhood physical and sexual abuse. Relevant aspects of instinctual drive theory, ego psychology, object relations theory, self psychology, social psychological theory, sociocultural influences, and experimental hypnosis findings are drawn on to demonstrate the importance of adopting a more integrative theoretical perspective in the diagnosis and treatment of severe dissociative syndromes. Further cooperative experimental and clinical research on the etiology, prevalence, and clinical manifestations of the group of dissociative disorders is strongly encouraged. Sarbin, Theodore R. (1995). On the belief that one body may be host to two or more personalities. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 43 (2), 163-183. The belief in the validity of the multiple personality concept is discussed in this article. Two scaffolding constructions are analyzed: dissociation and repression. As generally employed, these constructions grant no agency to the multiple personality patient. The claim is made that the conduct of interest arises in discourse, usually with the therapist as the discourse partner. In reviewing the history of multiple personality and the writings of current advocates, it becomes clear that contemporary users of the multiple personality disorder diagnosis participate in a subculture with its own set of myths, one of which is the autonomous actions of mental faculties. Of special significance is the readiness to transfigure imaginings into rememberings of child abuse, leading ultimately to the manufacture of persons. The implications for both therapy and theory of regarding the patient as agent in place of the belief that the contranormative conduct is under the control of mentalistic faculties are discussed. 1994 Epstein, Seymour (1994). Integration of the cognitive and the psychodynamic unconscious. American Psychologist, 49 (8), 709-724. Cognitive-experiential self-theory integrates the cognitive and the psychodynamic unconscious by assuming the existence of two parallel, interacting modes of information processing: a rational system and an emotionally driven experiential system. Support for the theory is provided by the convergence of a wide variety of theoretical positions on two similar processing modes; by real-life phenomena--such as conflicts between the heart and the head; the appeal of concrete, imagistic, and narrative representations; superstitious thinking; and the ubiquity of religion throughout recorded history--and by laboratory research, including the prediction of new phenomena in heuristic reasoning. Mulhern, Sherrill (1994). Satanism, ritual abuse, and multiple personality disorder: A sociohistorical perspective. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 42 (4), 265-288. During the past decade in North America, a growing number of mental health professionals have reported that between 25% and 50% of their patients in treatment for multiple personality disorder (MPD) have recovered early childhood traumatic memories of ritual torture, incestuous rape, sexual debauchery, sacrificial murder, infanticide, and cannibalism perpetrated by members of clandestine satanic cults. Although hundreds of local and federal police investigations have failed to corroborate patients' therapeutically constructed accounts, because the satanic etiology of MPD is logically coherent with the neodissociative, traumatic theory of psychopathology, conspiracy theory has emerged as the nucleus of a consistent pattern of contemporary clinical interpretation. Resolutely logical and thoroughly operational, ultrascientific psychodemonology remains paradoxically oblivious to its own irrational premises. When the hermetic logic of conspiracy theory is stripped away by historical and socio/psychological analysis, however, the hypothetical perpetrators of satanic ritual abuse simply disappear, leaving in their wake the very real human suffering of all those who have been caught up in the social delusion. Spanos, Nicholas P. (1994). Multiple identity enactments and multiple personality disorder: A sociocognitive perspective. Psychological Bulletin, 116, 143-165. People who enact multiple identities behave as if they possess 2 or more selves, each with its own characteristic moods, memories, and behavioral repertoire. Under different names, this phenomenon occurs in many cultures; in North American culture, it is frequently labeled multiple personality disorder (MPD). This article reviews experimental, cross-cultural, historical, and clinical findings concerning multiplicity and examines the implications of these findings for an understanding of MPD. Multiplicity is viewed from a sociocognitive perspective, and it is concluded that MPD, like other forms of multiplicity, is socially constructed. It is context bounded, goal-directed, social behavior geared to the expectations of significant others, and its characteristics have changed over time to meet changing expectations. Spanos, Nicholas P.; Burgess, Cheryl A.; Burgess, Melissa Faith (1994). Past-life identities, UFO abductions, and satanic ritual abuse: The social construction of memories. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 42 (4), 433-446. People sometimes fantasize entire complex scenarios and later define these experiences as memories of actual events rather than as imaginings. This article examines research associated with three such phenomena: past-life experiences, UFO alien contact and abduction, and memory reports of childhood ritual satanic abuse. In each case, elicitation of the fantasy events is frequently associated with hypnotic procedures and structured interviews which provide strong and repeated demands for the requisite experiences, and which then legitimate the experiences as "real memories." Research associated with these phenomena supports the hypothesis that recall is reconstructive and organized in terms of current expectations and beliefs. 1992 Bowers, Kenneth S. (1992). Imagination and dissociation in hypnotic responding. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 40 (4), 253-275.